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    2/28/2008

    Google Price down to $460

    Google price dropped to only $460, 23X P/E(2008 earnings estimate:$20).
    1.Google Feels the Credit Squeeze
    2.Google's Paid Click Business Slipping
    If we assume P/E of S&P 500 for 2008 would go down to 15 from 19, still Google is not that expensive. Is it fair to put Google into the category of media company just because ad sales contribute most of its revenue? After the reading the news "Google to Dominate Personal Health Record Space: Think Gmail for Medicine", I cannot help wondering which media company can enjoy such powerful franchise embeded with its web infrastructure as what google has?. Secondly, just ask yourself a simple question, say, if you are rich enough to buy the whole company of Google, would you like to hold the company at current price? Let's take at Google's operating cash flow as of Dec07 ($5.7B). If we assume google's CFO will sustain 10% growth p.a. the sum-up of ten-years CFO almost equals to google's current market cap($140B). It means that you can own google for free after paying out the next 10 years of it's operating cash flow. Sounds no bad to me. Thirdly, from FCF's perspective, as did by Clobbered Google: How's That Valuation? (32X FCF), there is lots of room for google to do to sustain its FCF growth. All in all, I personaly think google's current valuation is falling into a safety zone.
    2/26/2008

    A Sign of Hope for Stocks

    By MARK HULBERT from NYtime.com on Feb24, 2008. If how and how much the companies raise the capital tells us there is less severe downside risk in the U.S.market than there was after Internet bubble burst in 2001, the long list of companies appearing in the IPO pipeline for china market may also try to give us some serious alerts.


     FROM at least one perspective, the stock market peak of last October was not accompanied by the speculative excesses found at the height of previous bull markets. This raises hope that the market decline that began in the fall may not turn out to be severe — and that it may have already run its course.

    The indicator in question focuses on corporate money-raising. Considerable research has shown that when companies turn aggressively to the equity market for their financing needs, through new issues or secondary offerings, it is a sign that the stock market is overvalued. Though there is no easy way to interpret the data, current trends in corporate finance appear no worse than neutral for the stock market’s intermediate-term prospects. And the data may actually be painting a bullish picture.

    Owen A. Lamont, a former finance professor at Yale and now a fellow at its International Center for Finance, has studied shifts in companies’ use of the equity market to raise money. He has constructed a gauge, which some have called the new-list indicator, based on the percentage of all publicly traded shares that began trading in the trailing 36 months. This proportion increases as new companies go public or already-public companies issue more shares, and decreases as companies engage in stock repurchases or mergers and acquisitions.

    Professor Lamont, who is also a portfolio manager at DKR Capital, a hedge fund in Stamford, Conn., has calculated the new-list percentage back to 1929. Its all-time high was nearly 15 percent, at the beginning of the Depression. Its second-highest level, almost 11 percent, was in March 2000, just before the Internet bubble burst. (He published these results in 2002 in an academic working paper.)

    Where does the new-list percentage stand now? In an interview, Professor Lamont said it was at 5.1 percent, or right in line with its long-term average. When the market hit its high in October, he said, his indicator stood at just 5.6 percent. That was only marginally higher than where it finished the year, and about half its level at the market top in March 2000. By this measure of speculative activity, the current market is markedly less overheated than it was before the bursting of the Internet bubble.

    A RELATED and even more encouraging indicator focuses on the relative proportion of new corporate cash that comes from equity as opposed to debt. Researchers have found that in past periods when stocks were overvalued, companies greatly preferred equity over debt. The opposite tended to be the case when stocks were undervalued.

    Two researchers who have studied these patterns are Malcolm P. Baker, a finance professor at Harvard Business School, and Jeffrey Wurgler, a finance professor at New York University. For each year from 1927 through 1996, the professors calculated the share of total capital raised by publicly traded corporations that came from issuing stock — what they call the equity share.

    Over the 12 months after the quartile of years with the lowest equity shares (when this proportion was no higher than 14 percent) the stock market returned an average of 14 percent, according to the professors. In contrast, the market had an average net loss of 6 percent following the quartile of years with the highest equity shares (when this proportion was no lower than 27 percent). Their results were published in the October 2000 issue of the Journal of Finance.

    Where does the equity share stand now? In an e-mail message, Professor Wurgler said it was 6.1 percent for 2007 through September, the latest date for which data are available. Because this puts the current market solidly in the quartile of past years that were followed by above-average returns, he says the data are sending “a bullish stock market signal.”

    In separate interviews, he and Professor Baker hastened to add that this bullish signal by no means justifies throwing caution to the wind. They pointed out that companies have had far easier access to cheap debt financing in recent years than they did in earlier decades. As a result, they argued, the current low equity share may not be strictly comparable with similarly low previous readings — and thus may not be as bullish as it otherwise would appear.

    But judging from how companies have been raising new money, Professor Baker said, there was little evidence of extreme levels of speculation at the recent stock market high. At least to this extent, he said, this means that “there is less downside risk in the market today than there was in March 2000.”

    Implication of rising NPL ratio of state-owned banks to us

    From seekingalpha.com. Banking crisis in China is just a matter of time?


    As if keeping time with Victor Shih’s article, Standard & Poor’s warned yesterday that non-performing loan ratios in China have risen, and added that corporate defaults in 2008 may increase because of tighter credit controls and weakening demand from a slowing U.S. economy.  NPLs for the major commercial banks (the big five plus the 12 joint-stock banks) stood at 6.63% of total loans at the end of September 2007, and rose to 6.74% by the end of December.  This may seem like a small increase in the ratio, but remember that this increase occurred during what can only be described as optimal times – the economy grew at well over 11% in the 4th quarter, the country was flooded with new money, inflation increased faster than interest rates (which causes debt payments to decline relative to revenues and asset values), loans expanded rapidly (which should push the NPL ratio down), and equity issuance surged.

    We can only guess what will happen if Chinese borrowers are hit by a combination of rising interest payments, slowing external demand and credit constraints.  There are already good reasons to suspect that the NPL ratios seriously underestimate the true extent of NPLs, and of course it is well know that most of the improvement in the NPL ratio during the last five years (the NPL ratio was around 20% in 2003) occurred because of the huge increase in loans outstanding – total loans outstanding grew by over 16% in 2007.  The question is whether that increase in loans, made during what can only be described as a party atmosphere, doesn’t include a large amount of future bad loans.  Bad loans, as old bankers always point out, are usually made during good times.

    In that context I should bring up an interesting (and alarming) article from yesterday’s Spiegel titled “German State-owned Banks on the Verge of Collapse”.  The opening paragraph says:

    The German government has had to bail out state-owned banks with taxpayers' money after their managements recklessly gambled away billions on subprime investments. But if a state-owned bank were to go under, the consequences could be disastrous for the whole economy.

    The article describes how the state-owned banks, “one of the key pillars of the country's banking system”, had engaged in such reckless lending behavior during the boom years of the recent past that they were almost wholly unable to withstand last year’s credit contraction.  A number of the largest banks have been forced to their knees, and there is an increasing risk that a few major defaults could bring the whole system down.

    It is a nightmare scenario that the government financial supervisory authority now believes is increasingly likely. Germany's public-sector banks speculated far more heavily than private banks in American subprime mortgage securities. Now these banks' beleaguered executives are calling on the government to bail them out from a disaster of their own making.

    For Wolfgang Reuter, the author of the piece, a major cause of the crisis was the skewed incentives created by state ownership and effective state guarantees.

    Ortseifen and Matthäus-Maier are perfect examples of the fatal mix of amateurism, greed and political protection that is symptomatic for many of Germany's state-owned, partially state-owned and public sector banks. It is an environment that can only thrive in the shadow of the state -- and that has drained more than €20 billion from the public treasury within the last decade.

    Until now, the government has always been there to pick up the tab in the end. Fully aware of this safety net, the executives at state-owned banks gambled with their employers' assets as if there was no tomorrow. Munich-based BayernLB did it with stocks in Singapore, Bankgesellschaft Berlin with real estate investments, and WestLB with holdings in British companies.

    Anyone who is not responsible for bearing the consequences of the risks he or she takes can easily turn into a gambler. And the bets kept increasing in recent years, getting more and more public-sector banks into financial hot water. Now the banks find themselves lacking the assets they need to weather the turmoil of an international financial crisis.

    I bring up the German experience to make two points.  First, the speed in which a banking system can unravel after many years of what seemed like robust growth is often astonishing, and the way in which the unraveling takes place is almost always unexpected.  Second, state ownership is no guarantee of safety.  In fact in the German case it seems that state ownership may have exacerbated the poor lending decisions.
     

    I shouldn’t need to make the last point, but I cannot remember how many times I have been assured that the difference between Chinese banks and non-Chinese banks is that unlike the latter, Chinese banks are state-owned, and that fact makes a banking crisis in China nearly impossible.  Wrong on both counts.

    You can read the Speigel article here.

    2/24/2008

    TAVF 2007 annual letter excerpt

    After reading Martin Whitman's book (The Aggressive Conservative Investor), the new published annual letter at Dec2007 from third avnue value fund does make lots of sense to me.

    Annual shareholder letter from Martin Whitman: “The mortgage meltdown-housing collapse seems nothing new for the U.S. economy. During the last 60 years, virtually every sector of the American economy has gone through depressions as bad as anything that occurred in the 1930s.”

    TAVF is investing heavily in the common stocks of companies suffering through the current housing crisis. These companies include financial institutions, a home builder, a building supplier, land banks and investment builders. The Fund’s reasons for this investment program provide a good case study as to how Third Avenue’s “safe and cheap*” approach works in practice:

    First, the bad side of these investments:

    1) The stock market pricing for these equity issues is chaotic. There is no way Fund management is able to pick a bottom for securities prices, or a near bottom.

    2) Fund management has no good idea of how deep the crisis will become, or how long it will last. Our best guess is two to four years.

    Second, the good side of these investments:

    1) In each instance, TAVF is acquiring common stocks at meaningful discounts from readily ascertainable NAVs. In the case of certain financial institution common stocks – MGIC Common, MBIA Common and Radian Common, the prices the Fund is paying are no more that 40% of book value, or adjusted book value. For each of these companies, a normalized Return on Equity (equity equals book value) (“ROE”) ranges from 8% to 14%. Assuming a 10% ROE sometime in the future, and no further dramatic deterioration in book value during the interim, probably a realistic assumption; and current pricing at 40% of book value, Third Avenue would be paying only four times future normalized earning power. There seems to be a reasonable probability, too, that TAVF is really paying less than four times normalized earnings, even assuming that future normalized earnings are fully taxed and even assuming some modest dilution of the common stocks.

    2) Each common stock acquired, is acquired in a company which enjoys a strong financial position. While there can be no guarantees, the probabilities are that each of these companies will survive as solvent going concerns either without requiring major access to capital markets for new funding, or by obtaining new funding from others on terms that are only modestly dilutive for TAVF. On December 10th, MBIA announced that it is obtaining $500 million of equity financing from Warburg Pincus; and another $500 million from a rights offering which Warburg Pincus will backstop, i.e., underwrite. Assuming that Third Avenue participates in the rights offering and also takes advantage of any oversubscription privileges, the capital infusion should be, at worst, only modestly dilutive for TAVF.

    3) Each company seems very well managed.

    4) It is possible that the crisis will become increasingly deep, and prolonged; or rating agencies will start to place great weight on soft, qualitative considerations. In those events, the companies might need capital infusions to remain going concerns. TAVF has proposed to MBIA, Radian and USG managements that such infusions be in the form of equity, and that existing stockholders provide the equity via pre-emptive rights offerings. MBIA proposes to raise $500 million via a rights offering. If this were to occur, and if other portfolio companies were to follow the MBIA path, the capital infusions would be, for Third Avenue, mostly nondilutive, or anti–dilutive (if there are oversubscription privileges). In the case of MBIA and Radian, it is crucial if they are to remain going concerns, that the national rating agencies continue to assign AAA and AA ratings, respectively, to each company’s bond insurance subsidiaries. As an aside, given current prices, TAVF would probably not lose money if Radian or MBIA were to go into run-off rather than remain going concerns. Run-off, i.e., liquidation, simply is not a likely outcome, however.
    2/23/2008

    Google Lunar Xprize

     

    google lunar xprizewho can send the robot to the moon and get photos and data back to the earth? What a plan!
    A Google Competition, With a Robotic Moon Landing as a Goal

    日本股神称中国离泡沫经济很远 广州日报 2007-11-21

    1954年移居日本的邱永汉,被日本民众称为“股票神仙”和“赚钱之神”,是日本华侨界名声最响的人。从上世纪50年代至今,这个从作家起步的投资家,历经了日本战后的经济腾飞、泡沫时代和泡沫破裂后的萧条;无论社会变迁、经济循环起伏,面临数次危机和挫折,其事业却始终屹立。

      这位83岁的老人至今每年都有五项新的工作开展。他告诉本报记者:“赚多少钱很高兴的情况已经没有了,现在做事不再是为了钱。”这样一位老人的经验和观点,对于每一个人来说都是财富。

      关于中国经济:中国还是一架设备很新的过山车,政府要注意不要让经济大起大落

      广州日报:您觉得中国经济目前面临的问题与上世纪80年代的日本有相似与不同之处吗?

      邱永汉:中国目前的情况很像日本那个时候,流动性过剩,也就是钱多,影响了股票和不动产的价格。中国一年的贸易顺差有2500亿美元,这就意味着国家要发行这么多价值的人民币,所以钱太多了。一年多以前,我在接受《亚洲周刊》采访时,曾经说过两个观点:

        一是中国股市要涨10倍,二是人民币要从1块变成4块,现在看来中国股市已经有5倍了,我说还会再涨的,整个市场会上升,但个人的投资操作情况不同,你操作错了的话,你就会输。

      我们现在坐着的这个地方,是我40年前买下的,当时一坪(3.3平方米)30万日元,现在是3000万日元一坪(100倍)。在我们旁边的写字楼,当时是50万日元,不久就涨到了100万日元、1000万日元,最高的泡沫时代涨到1亿日元(200倍)。

      广州日报:正如您说的,中国的股市和房市的资产价格都出现了大幅的上升,你认为中国经济会步日本泡沫经济后尘吗?

      邱永汉:目前中国才是刚刚开始,还不算泡沫,离泡沫经济还有很远很远的道路。我想会让大家都高兴一次才跌的,在这一形成泡沫的过程中很多人会成为有钱人。但要注意的是,泡沫的时间持续得越长,落差也就越大。我来日本的时候,日经指数是1000点,泡沫经济时期最高涨到了39000点,涨了39倍,很多人都想不到。泡沫破裂后跌到了16000点,最低才不到8000点(跌去80%)。中国还是一架设备很新的过山车,中国政府要注意不要让经济大起大落,不要从缆车上掉下来。

      广州日报:您对目前日本的金融体系怎么评价?对中国的金融体系又做何评价?

      邱永汉:在日本经济高速增长的时候,日本银行起的作用很大,在日本政府保护下的金融系统没有适应潮流,所以在泡沫经济破裂后经历了一个重新倒闭到重新建立的过程,现在日本很多银行都合并了。我认为中国的银行也会有这种趋势。我记得在中国的时候,我打电话到银行马上要取30万日元,因为有紧急的用处,银行告诉我没有,只能给你4万日元,超过5万日元都要预约,全世界都没有这样的银行,自己的钱不能随意地取,我觉得中国的银行落后于时代,最近有一部分外资进入金融系统了,它比前些年要好了。

      关于投资策略:我目前比较看好的是消费板块,生物、制药板块

      广州日报:现在对比2005年,中国股市已经有了5倍的增长,您觉得目前中国的股市之中,还有哪些板块和品种值得投资的?

      邱永汉:前年我认为应当投资金融和保险股,但现在我认为不要靠近它们了。我目前比较看好的是消费板块,生物、制药板块。

        制药行业目前政府控制价格,药品价格比较低,但制药方面的业务量会越来越大。中国会逐步走向农业的工业化,这就必然要发展生物技术。

        我认为,H股以后还会有10倍的上涨,目前才刚刚起步。至于B股市场,AB股早晚是要合并的。A股市场,如果跌的话,你们大家就都去买,跌的时候就是买的机会。巴菲特在股票涨的时候是没事干的,跌的时候就要不断地注意下跌的状况。当然也是要有一定勇气的,如果你之前的选择是错误的,这个时候就要做出改变。

      广州日报:您取得了楼市投资的极大成功,您认为中国目前的房价上涨惊人,是合理的现象吗?您怎么预测中国楼市的发展趋势?

      邱永汉:楼市还会涨,政府控制得越严,房价就越会涨,政府的功能和政策改变不了经济的方向。但要注意的是中国的房子与外国的不同,首先中国的房子只有70年的使用权,其次中国的很多房子由于公共环境保护得不好,二手的市场就没有什么投资价值了。所以投资中国的不动产,第一是地点,第二是地点,第三还是地点。

      在房地产投资上我有一点感受,我在上海浦东投资不动产,在我开始投资的时候,政府告诉我这个区域总共是20栋楼,如果按这样的规模,我计算一平方米的租金应该可以到20元,但当我的楼建好后,周边大楼林立,每平方米的租金只能收到2元。

      关于泡沫时代:我一只脚快要倒下去了,一只脚还站着,度过了泡沫破裂时代

      广州日报:您是从一个作家起步的,一部小说《香港》荣获了日本最高文学奖直木奖,怎么会从写作走上投资之路的?

       邱永汉:我一开始以写文章为生,在日本写文章能赚钱的分成两种,一种是写性的,一种是写钱的。写性的人很多,我竞争不过来,所以我就写钱。

      在日本,以前对钱的事情是不能公开讲的,我是在日本头一个公开讲钱的。要写钱,就当然要亲身投资。我进入股市,一直到差不多淹死的时候才明白股市是怎么回事。

      当时大部分人操作股票的方式是这样的,买入股票,涨一点就卖,但我不这样,我选择哪个行业,哪一家企业会成长,比如说我看中了丰田公司和索尼公司,我认为他们会成长。当年丰田公司一年才是生产两万辆车的小公司,但现在丰田是全世界最大的制造业企业。我认识一个朋友,他是索尼的股东,当时他花5万日元买了一千股索尼的股份,在他死的时候他拥有的索尼股票市值已经有15亿日元,可惜的是他一直到去世也没有卖掉股票,所以也没有享受过。(其实享受了安全感!)

      广州日报:您投资楼市、股票,在泡沫经济中您有没有受到影响,是如何度过泡沫破裂的岁月的?

      邱永汉:在泡沫经济破裂中我差一点也倒了,一只脚快要倒下去了,一只脚还站着,度过了泡沫破裂时代。在泡沫时代有很多企业家来找我投资,我做了很多投资,有的30万日元变成了9000万日元,1000万日元变成了两亿多日元,但也有的血本无归。在泡沫经济时候,我盖了一栋楼,本来签了合同租给八佰伴,但泡沫破裂,八佰伴倒闭了,这一笔就亏了80多亿日元。呵呵,我不会看人,差一点也倒了。我的保险柜里有许多已经成为废纸的股票,足足有1米多高吧。哈哈。

      我这里曾经来过很多人,当时都号称排名世界第几的富人,在泡沫时代有的倒下了,有的进了监狱。我之所以能够把自己小小的财产保留下来,就因为没有超出自己的能力去向银行借贷。在那个时代,每天都有很多银行的人来到我这里要借钱给我。

       关于启示和教训:要在有能力掌控的情况下举债

      广州日报:您觉得中国经济在目前需要警惕哪些问题?可以从日本的泡沫经济过程中吸取什么样的教训?

      邱永汉:从目前来看,避开泡沫经济去发展看来是不大可能的。我认为对于实业家来说,就是要关心自己不要倒闭,最危险就是举债(贷款),但不举债又发展不了,所以要在矛盾中发展,要在有能力掌控的情况下举债。不过我想中国不会马上面临这样的危机。

      对于个人投资者来说,关键是在股市中看准涨跌。在财产上不要保留美元财产,不要用美元去投资,买B股的话,虽然是用美元买的,实际上买的还是人民币资产,所以没有问题。美元跌的话,股票还会涨。

      我认为,人民币对美元的升值是不可改变的,目前贸易顺差高,一定要调整人民币的汇率,因为怕对出口有影响不敢调整,将来对经济的影响要比现在大10
    2/22/2008

    Bubble or not?

    I like this article very much, not becuase of his conclusion but how he reached his conclusion. I just feel uncomfortable with one important assumption the author made in his computation. Market cap= market price * total number of outstanding shares. Here is one special thing in china stock market,.i.e. only tiny fraction of shares are tradeable (e.g. only 5% is tradeable for ICBC and less for China Petro). So when 100% of shares is able to trade, the price will be significantly lower than the current price into which already factors a high liquidation premium. Hence if we plug a lower price into the compute of market cap to A share, the outcoming is supposed to be a lower than what the author gets.
    Source of article:
    http://valueguide.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post.html
    (for some reasons, i cannot reach the website through IE. Is it because the author is a Taiwaness? Kidding:))


    從去年開始,此話題就在全世界各種媒體上不斷被提起。有持肯定意見的,認為該泡沫遲早要被戳破;也有持樂觀看法的,認為中國經濟成長力道仍然強勁,股市持續攀高只是反應此一事實而已。許多投資人看著中國股市在此起彼落的泡沫質疑聲中漲勢不曾稍歇,心中不免有點把持不住。到底中國股市真的已在泡沫化階段了嗎?
    (聲明:筆者並非關於中國股市的專家,此文純粹就個人價值投資觀點予以客觀分析,以供有意投資中國股市的投資人參考。)
    一般投資人對於股市是否過熱的「感覺」通常是來自網路、媒體的報導或評論,很少是自行根據比較具體的資料或數據來分析研判後得出的結論。一般媒體的報導大多是浮光掠影的定性評論,諸如說中國大陸人民儲蓄率高,資金苦無去路,或經濟成長仍強勁等等,深入的定量分析較少見,因此這種僅憑媒體報導而來的感覺常讓人感到非常不踏實。而且媒體意見正反兩面都有,也使人有如父子騎馬、無所適從。所以筆者就由一些歷史數據來檢視目前的中國股市是否真的已經泡沫化了。要注意的是,所謂的「泡沫化」是個很含混的字眼,並沒有公認的清楚定義,後面會解釋在本文中使用的「泡沫化」這個詞的意思。
    筆者似乎聽到有人在大喊,等等,股市是往前看的,歷史數字無法對未來提供什麼有用的洞見。話是沒錯,但這通常是指在微觀或個別事件而言。在微觀的環境下,大部分事件的發生屬隨機成分居多,因此過去的事件確實無法對預測未來提供有用的依據。譬如說,除非是屬於技術線圖分析派(Chartist)的死忠擁戶者,我們得承認我們無法由個股的過去股價線圖來判斷將來的走勢。但在宏觀層面,尤其當我們拉長歷史的縱深,歷史事件卻經常對未來提供很好的指引。一而再、再而三的經驗告訴我們,人類的天性使人們總是無法從歷史中學到教訓,投資大眾終將重蹈歷史的覆轍。
    現在讓我們來看看中國股市的市場指數。圖一與圖二分別為上海綜合指數與深圳綜合指數的歷史資料圖。請注意,兩圖的縱軸刻度均為線性刻度而非對數刻度,因此其圖表上看起來的漲升幅度要比實際的誇張許多,雖然實際的漲幅已是極為驚人。



    由這些歷史指數圖我們看出了什麼名堂嗎?一般情況下股價指數本身無法告訴我們什麼關於未來有用的資訊,正如過去的股價本身不能告訴我們某支股票價格的未來走向。
    一支股票是否貴還是便宜無法由其股價最近已經漲多了或是已經跌深了來判斷。價值投資的精神就是要把價格跟內涵價值(Intrinsic Value)做比較後才知道到底股價是很便宜還是貴很多。但對整個股市而言也是如此。
    我們如何知道整個股市的內涵價值呢?是不是把所有個別股票的價值估算出來後加總即可呢?理論上是如此,但這種方法在實務上的困難度很高,並不可行。幸好我們可以採取一種迂迴、約略的方法來達到我們的目的。我們的目的不在於精確地估算出整個股市的內涵價值,我們只想大致判斷整個股市市值使否已經「明顯地」大幅偏離正常軌道。
    什麼是正常的軌道?雖然我們無法給此說法下一個精確的定義,但還是可以由統計圖表上粗略地看出一些端倪。如下圖所示(似曾相識?稍後會揭開謎底),我們可以很有信心地預估能“長久”維持如在2007年高點情況---即使有可能繼續攀高---的機率不高,雖然我們無從預知所謂的“長久”會是多少年,但我們很有把握地認為超過十年的機率非常小。

    由於美國的股市夠大也夠久,而且也較上軌道,在看中國股市之前我們不妨先看看美國股市的情形,以便心中有個譜,之後有個比較。

    大體而言,大經濟體如美國、德國等,其經濟成長主要是靠國內需求帶動,而較小的經濟體如香港、南韓、星加坡、台灣等則是靠外銷帶動。如果該國的經濟是由內需所推動而且股市主要是由國內企業掛牌組成,則我們大致上可以假定股市的榮枯與國內的經濟成長有密切關係。國內經濟成長的一個重要指標就是國內生產毛額(GDP)。
    一個企業的內涵價值(Intrinsic Value)和它的盈餘能力---產生自由現金流量的能力---直接相關。因為整體股市的價值等於所有上市企業價值的總合,所以整體企業盈餘能力的具體呈現會反映到GDP的成長率上。因而我們可以假設整體股市的價值變動情形應該和GDP的變化大致上亦步亦趨,不會有太大的脫節現象。基本上我們可以用兩個數字來表示這種概略關係:一個是整體股市市值(Market Capitalization,等於股價×發行股數)占GDP的百分比(註一),另一個是整體股市指數報酬率與GDP成長率的比較。

    註一:有人認為對拿股市市值與GDP做比較有如拿橘子與蘋果相比,因為股市市值是存量(Stock)而GDP是流量(Flow),兩者是不同性質的量,不可混淆。也有人質疑GDP中政府支出占了相當的比例,而政府支出通常既沒生產力、也未增加價值。或有人懷疑股市市值是否足夠代表所有的企業,其中包含成千上萬未上市掛牌的中小企業?更有人指出企業價值是指企業未來所有自由現金流量產出的折現值,GDP卻只是目前的產出,兩者無法相較。不過即使各種爭議不少,在本文開頭所假設的條件下,若以統計觀點來看---尤其在拉長時間縱深的情況下---整體股市市值占GDP比例的數字對宏觀的角度看待股市仍有其一定的解釋力。不僅很多投資分析師使用這個方法,巴菲特也用過。另外,此處用(Market Capitalization=股價*發行股數)而非常見的(Market Capitalization=股價*流通股數)是因為中國股市有占極大比例的非流通股份。

    讓我們先看看美國的情形。圖一是美國 GDP的歷史趨勢圖(以當時幣值表示),圖二是美國股市整體市值占GDP比例的歷史趨勢圖。看得出來圖一是穩定成長的趨勢,圖二卻是上下波動的幅度很大。如果前面所述整體企業價值與GDP的關係的假設是正確的,那麼圖二的線就應該在一個合理的範圍內變動,例如說平均值上下十個或二十個百分點的範圍(不是10%或20%)。但實際情況顯然不是如此。

    從圖二的歷史趨勢線來看,我們或許可以主觀地認定如果整體市值占GDP比例在40%以下應該是蠻安全的,因為從1925到2007的八十二年間只約有16年(1939~1955)未超過40%,約占20%的機率。也就是說,如果投資人在低於40%時買進,長期下來發生虧損的機率不到20%。而且該段期間包含了大蕭條與第二次世界大戰,算是特殊情況,如果扣除這些特殊年份,則機率更小。但反過來看,雖然安全,但也表示機會少,投資人一生當中還不容易碰到。
    如果我們把標準放寬到80%,那麼從1925到1995的七十年間都有機會進場,但如果不幸買在高點(80%),要一直等到1995年才能翻身,很多投資人不一定能活到那個時候,因而風險很高。也許60%可能比較切乎實際些,因為買到偏高(介於50~60%之間)與偏低(低於50%)的機會差不多,只要投資人不是在高點處(近60%)孤注一擲,而是分散在幾年之間買進,對整個投資組合來看,長期獲利的機率大大地提高了。即使買貴了,要翻身的時間也短許多。
    乍聽之下這樣的分析好像很粗糙,但文章一開頭就說明過了,我們要的不是精確的數字,而是想找出可以判斷整體股市氣氛是否「明顯地」偏離常軌的跡象。即使我們無法百分百肯定80%是否偏高,但只要稍懂統計概念的投資人一看圖二便能判定120%以上屬於脫離正軌的機率非常高,而180%絕對是異常現象,撐不了太久的。巴菲特透過Fortune雜誌於2001年底---還在高點附近---發表了一篇內容精湛的文章(註二):Warren Buffett on the Stock Market(PDF,無病毒),提出警告,他認為股市無法長久維持在當時的高點。後來正如他所預測的,股市泡沫被戳破了。
    註二:巴菲特在該文中使用GNP(國民生產毛額)而非GDP,GNP包含國外的所得,兩者的差異是本國國民在國外所得收入減去外國國民在國內所得後之淨額。由於美國的大企業近十餘年來在國外的營業收入比例越來越高,用GNP可能更能代表股市市值的變化。但以本文的目的而言,兩者差異並未造成明顯的影響。

    除了爆發世界大戰或大蕭條等特殊情況,一個如美國這樣大的經濟體其GDP變化應該是很緩慢的,整體企業「價值」的變化也應該是緩慢的。但相對於GDP緩慢穩定的變化趨勢,為何股市「市值」的變動會如此巨大呢?唯一合理的解釋就是投資人對於企業價值的估價有時高得離譜,有時又低得離譜。
    或許會有人辯稱,由於美國近二十幾年來資訊科技的進步---如電腦、網路、移動通信等---讓企業生產力大大地提高了,因此企業價值也跟著大大地提高了。此說法乍聽之下很有道理,但巴菲特在另一篇文章(PDF)中一語就揭穿了這個迷思:企業間的競爭使得這些生產力提高的好處很快地移轉到廣大消費者,留給企業的時間很短暫,因此雖然企業的生產力提高了,但其企業的價值---也就是產生自由現金流量的能力---並未跟著提高。大部分的投資人無法認清此點,被那些科技憧憬迷惑了,加上人性的貪婪,禁不住誘惑,用「本夢比」(Price/Dreamed Earnings ratio)取代了本益比(或市盈率,Price/Earnings ratio),集合螞蟻雄兵的力量把股票價格推離了「正常軌道」,所以就出現了圖二中整體股市市值占GDP比例高達180%的夢幻境界。

    此處要強調的是,整體股市市值占GDP的百分比是多少不是重點,因為這要看該國的經濟是以內需為主還是以外銷為主,以內需為主的通常比例會低些(通常低於100%),以外銷為主的會高些(通常高於100%),而且這比例也會隨著一國經濟結構的改變而改變---緩慢的改變。重點是百分比的變動幅度是否在合理的範圍之內。因為我們在本文一開頭提到的假設是,如果股市到了一定的規模,整體股市內涵價值的變動就會穩定下來,而且會與GDP(或GNP)約略成某種比例的關係。
    圖一為中國GDP的歷史趨勢圖(註一) (注意縱軸刻度為對數刻度),該GDP數字為名目的(Nominal GDP),尚未扣除通貨膨脹因素。從1978到2007的二十九年期間,名目GDP以超過15%的驚人速度在成長,但經通貨膨脹調整後的實質成長率約為9.5%。我們用名目GDP而不用實質成長率的原因是因為股市市值的計算是用當時的貨幣價值來表示的,為了兩者能夠比較,所以都以未扣除通膨因素的數字表示。

    雖然圖一是名目GDP,但除其中幾年發生兩位數字的通貨膨脹外(註二),這段期間中國的實質經濟成長率基本上是算穩定的,因此按照本文的邏輯,整體股市的價值變化也應該亦步亦趨才對,事實是如此嗎?

    註一:外國有不少的經濟學家對中國官方GDP統計數字的可靠性一直持懷疑態度,認為官方數字誇大不實,甚至認為實際的成長可能只有官方宣稱的一半左右(參看此文這篇文章)。但只要統計方法與來源前後大致相同,對本文的目的來說仍然是可用的。
    註二:那幾年的通貨膨脹率分別為:1988=18.8%,1989=18.0%,1993=14.7%,1994=24.1%,1995=17.1%;但其實質經濟成長率分別為1988=11.3%,1989=4.1%,1993=13.5%,1994=12.6%,1995=10.5% (資料來源:EconStats)

    如同美國的例子,我們現在就用股市市值(Market Capitalization)占GDP百分比的變動來檢視中國股市。圖二為中國股市市值占GDP百分比的歷史趨勢圖。

    看了圖二之後,你是否有股衝動想說:哇歐!這不是泡沫是什麼?不過在急著下結論之前,我們必須很小心。如果沒有了解「數字背後的數字」,我門可能會錯誤地解讀該圖表的資訊而得出錯誤的結論。什麼是「數字背後的數字」呢?就是有些沒有在圖表上顯示出來、但對正確解讀圖表卻是關鍵的攸關 (Relevant)資訊。比如說,也許新上市公司的數目近兩年突然暴增;或是以前的市值被嚴重低低估了,近一兩年只是回復正常--即使是有點過度興奮--而已;或是中國企業的生產力突然間脫胎換骨,大幅提高,以致於前景一片大好,企業價值自然跟者水漲船高,股市只不過是反應這些未來價值的折現值而已。
    如果再把2003到2007期間的圖形放大到季度的尺度來檢視,如圖三,我們可以發現中國股市大約是從2006年的第三季度開始如脫韁的野馬般狂飆,漲勢一發而不可遏止。
    回到圖二,在1992~1997的五、六年期間,是中國股市開始萌芽期,上市掛牌的公司家數由很小的基數急速成長到較大的數目,因此其整個市值占GDP的比例由很小到約30~40%,變動幅度看來似乎很大,但這種變動屬於起始期的非穩定狀態,嘗試解讀這期間的比例數字變化沒有太大意義。到了1998年以後,上市公司的家數到了一定的規模,雖然此後幾年的增加速度還是很快,但已經緩下來了,也就是說整體上市公司價值的變動已經開始慢慢地穩定下來,除非有大數目的大公司(如中國石化(600028))在同一年內掛牌上市,否則整體股市價值相對於GDP的變化應該是緩慢的。
    那麼,我們又該如何解讀圖二或圖三所隱含的訊息呢?是否有些「數字背後的數字」支撐這些突變?我們可以用美國的例子來說明中國股市已經泡沫化了嗎?還是兩者分別為蘋果與橘子,無法相比?
    實際上就有許多人如此辯稱說中國與美國完全不同:國情、民情不同,儲蓄率不同,國際貿易順逆差情況不同,經濟成長率不同等等,而且中國股市是獨特的、尚在快速發展中的,因此不能拿美國的情況來跟中國做比較,中國國內更有人質疑那些聲稱中國股市已經泡沫化的言論只是要打壓中國經濟來藉以圖謀經濟或政治利益。即使前述的種種不同都屬事實,但這些所謂的"不同"能說明中國股市的「特異功能」--在短短的兩年內股市市值增加了將近五倍、但同期間GDP只成長了約20%--是「尚屬合理」的現象嗎?

    前面說過,我們的目的不是在雞蛋裡挑骨頭,對於股價的一般漲跌起伏也非要找到理由不可。一般的股價波動乃屬正常現象,只是反應正常的群眾心理變化,並沒有特定的因素,算是經常性、隨機性的波動。
    但如果就因此認為《中國股市泡沫化了嗎(三)》的圖二中近兩年所顯示的巨大變化也是經常性的波動,就未免太天真了。因為圖中的現象雖然不能說是空前絕後,但起碼是屬於異常的、不常發生的現象,只要是理性的投資人都應該嘗試去思考背後的因素。如果數字的背後有可辨識的特定原因而造成股市市值占GDP百分比急速升高,我們就可以不必一顆心七上八下了。現在就讓我們仔細檢視每一個背後可能的原因,以及是否有確實的數據支持。
    在前一文中提到了一些可能的背後因素:

    1. 整體上市公司的競爭力突然大為改善,未來的盈餘能力突然看好,因此企業價值自然跟著飆升了。
    2. 上市公司的數目或規模在最近兩年突然大增,整體市值自然隨之增加。
    3. 2005年以前的整體股市價值被嚴重低估了,近兩年只是矯正過去的錯誤而已---即使有點興奮過頭。
    首先來檢視一下上市公司的基本面有無可能發生了重大變化呢?也就是說,整體上市公司的競爭能力是否突然大幅改善而使得營收、盈餘能力巨幅上升呢?這點可以由ROE來檢視。
    圖一是中國股市整體上市公司的凈資產收益率(ROE)歷史趨勢圖。由圖表上可以看出,凈資產收益率由2001年的谷底5.5%上下逐漸上升到2006的10%左右。2001、2002兩年因受全球網路泡沫化的後續影響而明顯偏低,如去除此因素,我們可以說,從1998年到2007年的凈資產收益率
    大約維持在7~9%上下。這意味著從1998年迄今,即使上市公司的數目與規模繼續增加,但整體而言上市公司的基本面--也就是競爭力與盈餘能力--並沒有發生重大變化。個別公司也許有,但我們這裡討論的是整體股市市值的變動,因此我們所關心的是整體上市公司平均競爭力的變化情形。既然競爭力並未如股市市值般於近兩年戲劇性地大增,也就不會是支撐股市市值陡增的背後因素了。
    那麼上市公司數目的變化是否為推動市值大幅提升的主因?如圖二所示,上市公司數目雖然仍在快速增加中,但近兩年增加速率已經不到
    10%,如果沒有超大型的新公司上市,僅靠上市公司數目的增加來提升市值不會造成如圖中2006、2007兩年間如此誇張的變化。但其中是否有超大型的新公司上市呢?因為中國股市在2005年底的全體市值約為3兆2千4百億元,2007年十一月底的市值約為28兆9千9百億元,兩者的差距為25兆7千多億元,兩年不到整整翻了三翻多。要彌補如此巨大的差距,如果不是投資人集體瘋狂了,就非要有好幾家超大型的新公司掛牌上市不可。
    表一及表二分別是於2006、2007兩年之間在上海證交所新掛牌上市的公司及其於2007年十一月底的市值。此處沒有列出這兩年間在深圳證交所新掛牌上市的公司名單,因為在深市掛牌上市的多屬於小型公司,雖然家數多,但市值小。2006年到2007年十一月底共有140家公司在深市掛牌上市,這些公司新發行時的發行價值(發行價格×發行股數)總值才約380億元,其中最大的濰柴動力(000338)發行價值只有39億元,比起在上海證交所上市的大型公司是小巫見大巫,對中國股市整體市值的推升影響力很有限。
    從表一和表二看出,的確是有好幾家超大型的公司在這兩年間陸續掛牌上市,市值超過兆元的就有五家:中國石油、中國神華、中國人壽、工商銀行、中國銀行,其中單是中國石油一家公司的市值就高達五兆兩千億元(相當於美金700 billions)。細心的讀者或許已注意到2006年是接近第三季度開始時才有新公司掛牌上市,第三季包括一家超大型的中國銀行,而這與《中國股市泡沫化了嗎(三)》一文中圖三所顯示的市值由2006年第三季度開始飆升的情況正好吻合,實際情形就是如此。
    現在讓我們來做一些簡單的算術。2005年末中國整體股市的市值約為3兆2千4百億元,加上2006年期間在上海證交所掛牌上市的公司到2007年十一月底新增的市值約為4兆2千2百億元,再加上2007年前十一個月期間在上海證交所掛牌上市的公司到十一月底的新增市值9兆8千3百億元,現在全部加起來為17兆2千9百億元。如果再把那兩年在深圳上市的公司也算近來並慷慨地給他一倍的漲升幅度,到2007年十一月底的新增市值為800億元(380億元的一倍再四捨五入);然後把2005年底的整體市值也慷慨地讓它翻一翻(姑且先假設2005年市值被低估了),到2007年十一月底新增的市值為3兆2千4百億元。現在把前面的17兆2千9百億元加上8百億元,再加上3兆2千4百億元,一共為20兆6千1百億元。
    所以中國整體股市市值由2005年末的3兆2千4百億元突然跳升到2007年十一月底的28兆9千9百億元,倒也不是完全無中生有,增加的25兆7千5百億元當中就約有一半多(14兆6百億元)是由上海證交所新上市公司的集體貢獻,其中的確包含了好幾家市值超過兆元的超大型公司。
    那麼是否可以就此認為,由前面的分析中我們找到了數字背後的一些神奇數字,可以讓《中國股市泡沫化了嗎(三)》一文中圖二的特異現象變得「尚屬合理」?是否就可以讓投資人安慰自己說:別怕,而說服自己繼續跟進呢?

    前面的算術或許會讓投資人稍感踏實些,但我們是否應該緊接著問一個問題:這些新上市公司的市值真能反映其內含價值嗎?還有,剩下近8.5兆元(28兆9千9百億元-20兆6千1百億元)的市值缺口又是打從哪裡蹦出來補足的呢?
    按照前面的計算,有兩個假設:1) 2006~2007(到十一月底)兩年在深圳上市的公司總發行價值翻一倍的漲升幅度(380億元的一倍再四捨五入),2) 2005年底的中國股市整體市值也翻一翻,但這些假設顯然無法補足8.5兆的市值缺口,唯一的理由是我們原先的假設---兩年不到翻一翻(年複利報酬率高於41%)---太保守了。
    如果這樣還不足以令你目瞪口呆,讓我們來看看實際的情形。實際的情形是,深圳證交所2006一月到2007十一月間新上市的公司到2007年十一月底的總市值約為5370億元,由發行時的總價值(380億元)整整上漲了十四倍!雖然說發行價格通常會定的比較保守(註一),但一年多的時間漲了十四倍也未免太離奇了。這意味著要嘛不是當初訂定發行價格時是賤賣公司資產(十四元資產賣一元),就是上市後的價格被瘋狂又無知的股民炒翻天了(花十四元買一元價值的資產)。我們只要用常識判斷即可知道後者的可能性遠大於前者。

    註一:新股發行價格的決定通常考慮幾個因素:一、公司本身的內涵價值,二、其他同行業的公司相比較,三、市場的人氣。所以公司發行新股時通常會選在市場人氣沖天的時點,以期能有好價格,但為求股票能順利賣掉,公司在定發行價格時通常會比預期的市價低些。無論如何,公司在決定發行價格時都經公司經營決策高層與投資銀行的專家精算過,因此我們可合理地假設,發行價格可被視為公司內涵價值的合理估計值,雖然會有誤差,但產生「數倍級」差異的機率應不常見。

    如前所述,兩年不到翻一翻的假設太保守了,讓我們先吸一口氣,使心臟強壯些,看看翻兩翻會如何。再次做一些簡單的算術,2006~2007兩年在深圳上市的公司新發行價值總共約為380億元,到2007年十一月底的總市值約為5370億元(十四倍,翻了近四翻);2005年底中國的整體市值為3兆2千4百億元,翻一翻後為6兆4千8百億元(3.24兆×2),然後再翻一翻成為12兆9千6百億元(6.56兆×2)。前面提過,2006年一月起到2007年十一月底止上海證交所新上市公司在2007年十一月底的總市值為14兆6百億元,加上前面翻兩翻後的12兆9千6百億元,再加上深圳證交所2006-2007十一月之間新上市公司在2007年十一月底的總市值5370億元,總共為27兆5千6百億元,這和2007年十一月底中國股市總市值28兆9千9百億元的數字就很接近了,但還短少了近1兆4千億元。這意味著前面翻兩翻的假設---每年的複利報酬率為100%---仍嫌保守了些,翻兩翻後還不能馬上打住,要翻過頭一點點才行。(希望讀者的下巴沒掉下去!)
    深圳證交所上市的公司股本小,炒作相對容易,但一年多十四倍的漲幅怎麼看都是極不尋常。雖然深圳股市可說是幾近瘋狂,但其市值小,對整體中國股市市值的影響有限,主要的影響仍來自上海證交所。那麼上海證交所呢?
    上海證交所上市的公司也不惶多讓。在2006年間新上市公司的發行總價值(發行價格×發行股數)為2兆1百億元,到了2007年十一月底的市值總和約為4兆2千3百億元,一年左右的時間翻了一翻(年複利報酬率接近100%);2007年前十一個月內新上市公司的發行總價值約為5兆6千9百億元,到了2007年十一月底的市值總合約為9兆8千3百億元,約在"半年左右"的時間上漲了近73%。看起來上海股市似乎比深圳股市"理性"許多,但別忘了上海證交所上市的大多屬於超大型股呢。

    這意味著什麼?
    一個可能的因素就是2005年底的整體股市PE太低了,現在只是做了該有的修正而已,有點過了頭,但不算太嚴重。圖一是近幾年中國整體股市的市盈率歷史趨勢圖,圖上可看出在2005年的確是歷史谷底,相對於中國的經濟成長率而言〝感覺上〞似乎是偏低了些。但為什麼投資人不覺得2007年間中國整體股市六、七十倍的市盈率是偏高呢?如果整體股市「平均」市盈率六、七十倍,那麼其中通常會有一些大型股的市盈率要高於此平均許多。中信證券(代碼:600030)即是其中一例。
    中信證券於2003年1月在上海證交所上市,2007年最高的市盈率將近100倍,市值(市價×總發行股數)居首位,投資人是否該想想“市盈率100倍”代表什麼意思?
    中信證券是中國最大的券商,目前其絕大部分收入是上市股票交易時收取的手續費。券商基本上是看天吃飯的行業,也就是說牛市時人氣熱、交易量大,券商收入多;熊市時人氣弱、交易量小,券商收入少。但不管收入多還是收入少,基本的營運費用大致維持一定,所以盈餘的變動起伏就會很大。更糟糕的是,如果股民不了解這種獲利模式,在牛市時看著中信證券營業收入節節升高,便認為公司獲利能力超強且前景一片大好,於是追高買進。殊不知一旦牛市氣數盡時,步入熊市,交易量會快速下滑,手續費收入就會快速縮水,獲利也就急遽減少,每股盈餘很可能只有熊市高點時的一半或更少,股價通常也跟著下滑腰斬或更多。當時在高點用110倍市盈率買進的投資人在此情況下只能欲哭無淚。
    所以仔細檢視中信證券的獲利模式後,我們便可了解用100倍的市盈率買進股票,除了無知與貪婪,實在找不到其他更好的解釋。
    當然,我們不排除有個別公司其未來成長性可能真的很高,高到值得以100倍以上的市盈率買進其股票,而在五到十年間賣出還不虧本。但這種公司非常少,少到幾乎想不起來曾經存在過。即使買進市盈率五十倍的股票而在五到十年間賣出還能不虧本也是屬於稀少的例子。公司規模越大,這種可能性越低。以高於五十倍市盈率買進一家公司而期望能投資獲利的機會很小,何況是一個國家的整體股市!一個國的整體股市就如一個超超大型的公司一樣。別忘了這是一個世界排行前十大規模的股市。
    前面所講的市盈率為(加權平均)市值除以前一年的獲利,是滯後的指標。對個別公司而言,因為每年度的獲利數字可能會大幅波動,因此市盈率不是一個精確衡量股票價值的方法,但對全部上市公司來說,其整體獲利的變動相對穩定許多,只受大環境景氣所影響,其中個別公司或產業的大幅波動大部分會相互抵銷,因此整體市盈率雖屬落後指標,對整體股市仍有很好的解釋力。
    儘管如此,還是有不少人---包括許多專家學者在內---持不同的觀點,認為中國股市的市盈率高得有道理,並無所謂的泡沫化情形,因為未來成長勁道仍然看好。這篇(參看這裡)及其系列文章的觀點就屬此類,我把其重點綜合摘錄如下:

    觀點一:市盈率不是好的指標,單純以“市盈率”來衡量不同證券市場的貴賤具有一些片面性。由於投資股票是對上市公司未來發展的一種期望,已有的市盈率只能說明上市公司過去的業績,並不能代表公司未來的發展
    觀點二:中國不能與美國相比,目前美國道指平均市盈率為21倍,標準普爾500平均市盈率24倍,美國GDP年增長只有2%~3%,而且它的經濟增長還充滿著各種不確定性。中國未來10年的經濟增長卻是可以預期的。這一點在上市公司的年報中可以窺見一斑。
    觀點三:中國國內的存款利率太低了,市盈率高低的標準和本國貨幣的存款利率水平是有著緊密聯繫的。目前美元的年利率保持在4.75%左右,所以,美國股市的市盈率保持在1/(4.75%)= 21倍的市盈率左右,這是正常的。因為,如果市盈率過高,投資不如存款,大家就會放棄投資而把錢存在銀行吃利息;反之,如果市盈率過低,大家就會把存款取 出來進行投資以取得比存款利息高的投資收益。而目前我國人民幣的一年期存款利率是2.79%,如果把利息稅也考慮進去,實際的存款利率大約為2.23%, 相應與2%的利率水平的市盈率是1/(2.23%)=44.8(倍)。如果從這個角度來看,中國股市45倍的市盈率基本算得上合理。

    2/21/2008

    China's Global Impact: Inflation Exporter or Deflation Trendsetter?

    Inflation is getting worse in China, no doubt about that and it is affecting everyone living here. I observe two things:1. most of chinese exporters still hold price or even lower the price, if the price is expressed in Euro terms, mostly due to heavy competitions from domestic rivals. 2. it is getting extremely hard to retain these low-income workers with the existing salary level. This situation put most chinese enterprises into a hard place, in which you can not pass the higher input costs to your clients cause you cannot take the risk of losing your market share. Besides the approaches like lean manufacturing and cost saving, what else we can do? But the thing is there is little room for further cost cutting if no tech breakthrough or improvement is taken place.

    from seekingalpha.com

    It's probably fair to say that the most important diplomatic relationship in the world is between the U.S. and China. Unfortunately, the relationship is souring and could get much worse. "Alas, the U.S. is mostly to blame for this," said Nicholas Kristof in a New York Times column. "There are plenty of legitimate reasons to be angry with China's leaders, but its trade success and exchange rate policy are not among them. The country that is distorting global capital flows and destabilizing the world economy is not China but the U.S." He adds: "American fiscal recklessness is a genuine international problem, while blaming Chinese for making shoes efficiently amounts to a protectionist assault on the global trade system."

    China has been a convenient scapegoat for politicians, and now China is being blamed for exporting inflation. Is this political spin, or is there a real danger of higher inflation being imported from China? Why are some so eager to blame the Chinese for higher inflation when the Fed's policies could be to blame for rising prices?

    Some suggest that the Chinese, with their crawling peg to the weak dollar, are importing the Fed's monetary inflation. Will China continue to produce cheap goods, or will we see a tsunami of inflation as predicted by the doom and gloomers? These are very important questions for investors wishing to hedge against inflation. If the doom and gloomers are right, gold prices could skyrocket and stagflation could become a reality.

    "In a number of respects China has been extremely good for the developed economies over the past five years," explains Jeremy Warner at The Independent. "By producing an ever expanding quantity of cheap goods, it has helped keep prices low. This deflationary effect has allowed central bankers to maintain low interest rates, which in turn has allowed consumer demand to remain high."

    But the glory days of low-cost imports from China are coming to an end, and Chinese inflation is souring. China's consumer price inflation index for January hit an 11 year high at 7.1%. Although non-food price pressures remain mild, the central bank is concerned that inflationary expectations are rising and that higher prices will spread, destabilizing the economy with potentially serious social and political implications. Add in higher raw-materials prices and rising wage costs, and manufacturers are facing increases in production costs they may no longer be able to absorb. Chinese manufacturers may decide to pass on higher costs to consumers worldwide, a situation that will be made worse by a strengthening Chinese currency.

    Input costs might be rising fast in China, but some economists believe that labor productivity and efficiency is increasing even faster, which tends to limit manufacturers' need to raise prices. A World Bank study released in October 2007 on raw material prices, wages and profitability showed that "the ability of China's industry to offset rising raw material prices by increasing efficiency has so far remained undiminished." As long as China can improve efficiency, it won't have to raise prices. But a recent Reuters article suggests this notion is wishful thinking. The article notes efficiency at China's listed manufacturing companies peaked last year and has already started to deteriorate, meaning that China could soon start passing on higher costs. Recent industry surveys confirm this idea. According to Global Sources, the Hong Kong trading company, 80% of 709 Chinese exporters surveyed late last year said they expected to increase prices within six months of the survey.

    Some commentators point out that Chinese export prices remain steady when expressed in yuan terms, but export prices turn higher when expressed in dollars. As the Economist added: "It is the weak dollar, not cantering cost inflation in China, that is to blame for higher American import prices. China's manufacturing costs and exports prices in yuan terms are still falling overall" (August 2, 2007).

    Although a weaker dollar should lead to inflation, the relationship is not that simple. According to a recent Wall Street Journal article, there is evidence to suggest that foreign exporters are willing to adjust prices to hold on to U.S. market share as the dollar declines in value. This is especially true when the U.S. economy is slowing and consumers are less willing to pay higher prices. The implication here is that Chinese manufacturers might be hesitant to pass on higher input costs, for fear of losing U.S. market share.

    There are also geopolitical shifts to consider. If China fails to increase efficiency to cope with higher input costs, these costs might be passed on to consumers worldwide, and perhaps China's competitive advantage will begin to diminish faster than experts thought. Such a development may raise doubts about China's long-term ability to conquer the world.

    But if we are to discuss China's long-term ability to conquer the world, it is important to differentiate between short-term and long-term effects. Even if China's rising input costs are passed on in the short-term (next 2 years), the structural changes in China's manufacturing might have a deflationary impact in the longer term. Standard Chartered economist Gerard Lyons says that China's move into more valuable manufactured goods such as automobiles will in years to come have the same deflationary effects on world markets as the country's push into low-end manufacturing. Such a development might maintain China's competitive advantage.

    In summary, China will probably start passing on higher costs in the short-term, but it's too soon to jump to a conclusion that this change will be permanent. There is still room for China to improve efficiency over the next decade. A survey carried out in September by the People's Bank of China showed the technological capacity of Chinese enterprises was relatively low compared with foreign counterparts and companies still had potential to raise efficiency. As long as China improves efficiency in the next decade-a necessary condition for their exports to remain competitive despite rising input costs-the country may continue to be a source of deflation.

    2/19/2008

    Silicon Valley Continues on Econominc Comeback

    From wsj.com.


    Silicon Valley continued its economic revival last year by adding nearly 30,000 jobs and raising its median income levels, but the nation's technology capital is experiencing some instability as the national economy struggles.

    The findings come in a closely watched annual report from Joint Venture Silicon Valley and the Silicon Valley Community Foundation, two nonprofit groups representing businesses, government agencies and philanthropies in the San Francisco and San Jose, Calif., area.

    The report tracks Silicon Valley as the tech-heavy region continues to resurrect itself after the dot-com bust earlier this decade. While that slump wiped out tens of thousands of jobs and caused a net outflow in the local population, the area has been on the upswing since 2005, when a net gain of 2,000 jobs was recorded -- the first time since 2001.

    For the 12 months through the first quarter of 2007, Silicon Valley added a net new 28,000 jobs, or 2.1% growth, ahead of 0.9% job growth in the rest of California and 1.4% growth nationally. Still, that was down from 33,000 new jobs a year earlier. Overall, median household income in the Silicon Valley area increased 2% to more than $82,000 a year, faster than the 1.5% growth in the rest of the country.

    Fueling the upswing are trends such as rising venture-capital investments and a structural shift away from traditional tech industries such as semiconductors toward newer tech sectors such as the Internet and software, biomedical devices and "clean technology," or businesses that produce products and services to reduce environmental degradation.

    Russell Hancock, Joint Venture's president and chief executive, noted that worsening economic conditions nationally are having an effect on the region. In particular, the number of mid-wage jobs -- those commanding $30,000 to $80,000 a year -- has been shrinking in recent years. Coupled with the high cost of living in the region, plus stock-market volatility and subprime-mortgage woes, "it makes it harder for people to feel stable here," said Mr. Hancock. The report found that Silicon Valley's cost of living -- including housing -- is 47% higher than the rest of the nation.

    Doug Henton, a co-author of the report, added there are few retraining programs in place, making it tough for midwage workers to participate in some of the emerging sectors of the local tech economy. Other red flags include a declining high-school graduation rate and modest growth in juvenile felony offenses.